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The idea of the Czechoslovak people, language and culture was widely promoted by the press and politicians both for domestic and international consumption. To. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Toronto, Considers the concept of sympathy from ancient Greece to the early 19th century, with special attention to.

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Layout left-main-right left-right-main main-left-right. Wide Boxed. Patterns for Layout Style: Boxed. Marbode records another magnetic effect, which he advises may be put to criminal use by a burglar. If the dust of lodestone is strewn on the embers of a fire, smoke will billow into al1 corners of the house-Marbode does not Say why-, and the occupants will wake up, thinking the house on fire. When they have fled, it will only rernain for the enterprising thief to make off with their untended treasures.

Interestingly, however, this is not satis ing to Porta, who in his commentas, gives what he considers a 'proper" explanation. It is not simply that the smoke results from a physical or chernical reaction occurring when lodestone dust is suddenly subjected to heat.

The story is more compiicated than that. Because Porta believed the rnagnet to be melancholic, he argued that the fumes of lodestone dust, when they penetrate the sleeping human brain, fil1 it with "melancholick phantasmsn-enough, it seems, to drive a man mad and cause hirn to flee his house and in certain cases his country.

King, adopted by Riddle, op. Porta, Book 7, Chapter 56, p. This conflict, which we will examine more closely, continued through the whole period we are now considering until finally by the time of Hume the idea of sympathies and antipathies as principles of physical movement operating wholly outside of the realm of the mechanical Iaws of physics were relegated to the obscure fringes of mysticism. M But Heredia holds that the causes are so hidden and occult that they are known to God alone.

These differences reflect some of the rnost important ways in which sympathy has been conceived, as we will see throughout this study. The two most important forms that this took were the "weapon ointment" or "weapon salve" and the "powder of sympathyn. The ointment, when applied to a weapon, cured the wound that the weapon had inflicted. This claim aroused considerable controversy-not, as we might expect today, over whether the phenomenon it described had ever really occurred, but instead over the explanation of that phenomenon.

There were those in the Paracelsian tradition, such as Rudolphus Goclenius ,who believed that the application of the salve to the weapon affected the wound in a purely sympathetic manner, without any mechanistic communication between weapon and wound, so that for example it would make no difference how far the anointed weapon happened to be from the man who had been wounded by it.

See also Thomdike, v. Debus argues, the publication of Gilbert's De Magnete was a great encouragement to Fludd and others who saw the weapon ointment's supposed effects as but one manifestation of the syrnpathy that unites the universe. He observes: Both were examples of "action at a distance", and both might be explained in terms of a cosrnology which postulated that d l parts of the universe were closely interconnected and might sympathetically influence one another.

It was argued that such sympathetic action was best dernonstrated by the effect of the loadstone, and that, as a result, magnetic experiments might legitimately be referred to as proof of the eficacy of the weapon-salve. Foster believed that any curing that took place through use of the weapon-salve was the resdt of the wound's having been cleaned. See Men G. In Van Helmont's opinion, the success of the weapon ointment could be accounted for without reference either to magic or to the devil.

Walter Pagel writes that Van Helmont believed that the sympathetic effects of the weapon ointment were explicable in "naturalistic temsn-as the manifestation of '"magnetic' forces, [ofJ attraction, that is, of particles; in the present instance, particles of the ointment mixed with blood sticking to the weapon were attracted to the wound.

To quote Pagel once more: Although an aspect of the attraction of matter by matter, and achieved by matter, these effects are at the same tirne spiritual; they are the product and expression of that sense and sympathy which dwell in each object of the created world.

Indeed, spirit is the primary driving force to which all material change is subordinated. Van Helmont was prepared to admit, as a possibility, that there are sympathies and antipathies, and that "rnagic" exists in the world, a s long as it was 9O Debus, p.

The action of the weapon ointment, then, is as follows: The surface of the weapon carries traces of the victirn's blood, to which some of the ointment sticks when it is applied. But these particles of blood are in sympathy with the much larger volume of blood that is exposed in the victim's wound. Therefore they tend to fly back from the weapon to the wound, and when covered with ointment that has been applied to the weapon, they cany that into the wound as well, which heals the wound as well as if it had been applied directly.

Digby claimed that he had learned the secret of the powder in Florence, and that its provenance was ultimately India and the Far East. The powder was vitriol a sulphate and dissolved in water. When a cloth bloodied by the wound is immersed in the liquid, the wound heals. Digby had occasion to test the remedy on one James Howell, and it was the success of that test that led him to promote it.

Digby's twentieth-century biographer, R T. The blood's return could be attributed partly to the sympathetic attraction between like and like, but it was helped dong by a purely mechanistic phenomenon, namely the rush of air into the space in the wound vacated by the emerging blood: this stirred the air for a certain distance around and created a slight drift in the direction of the wound.

As Thorndike recounts, considerable effort was expended in determining at what distance the sympathetic powder might be expected to hnction, with estimates running as high as one thousand miles. Van Leeuwenhoek concluded that the cure was a "sham" and that al1 the German's stories "find no belief in rnen.

Another sceptic was Gassendi: see page 60, below. A simple but still useful scheme of categorization might run as follows. There were, first of dl,those who accepted sympathy and those who rejected it. Arnong the former, there were those who accepted it as an occult qualiv and those who accepted it as a phenornenon that could be accounted for in accordance with regular physical laws.

A further criterion of classification, which cuts across al1 three of these categories, is whether or not the acceptance or rejection of sympathy was pronounced in relation to a limited number of particular cases of sympathy and antipathy, or in relation to sympathy and antipathy in general.

During most of the period in question, outright rejection of sympathy-and indeed, any comment on sympathy in general-was rare. Much of what was written about sympathy consisted in expositions or analyses of particular cases, such as the four Spical ones we have just considered. Sympathy in general was rarely discussed, for the extension of the concept appeared nearly limitless to the medieval and 99 Other sympathetic effects towhich one h d s frequent reference included the remora, a h h whose knack for stopping ships dead in their tracks made it something of an aquatic basilisk- There was also the "doctrine"of signatures, according to which plants physicdy resemble the parts of the body which the medicine they produce is best suited to treat This led, for example, to the beatment of jaundice with the yellow Chelidonia.

For a brief discussion of the doctrine of signatures, see Walter Pagel, Paracelsus Basel, ,p. Renaissance eye, embracing a range of effects that we would think of as physical and chernical, as well as what we would dismiss as rnagical and mythical. Jerome Cardan Gerolamo Cardano, W6 ,writing generally about sympathy and antipathy in nature, provides the following list of what these concepts embrace.

The description is Thorndike's: [Cardan] not only, like most men of his century, accepted the existence of relations of sympathy and antipathy between things in nature as a means of explaining rnatters which would otherwise be difficult to accept as facts, but tried to analyze this relationship into ten varieties. These were cause and effect, or sky and elements; agreement in quality-that is, possession of the same degree of heat or moisture; similitude of substance; like causes; agent and patient; nutriment and thing nourished; the sympathy between heat and what conserves heat; by reason of common sense-as the relation between magnet and iron; sexual love; and lastly, celestial harmony and virtue of souls.

And so scepticism about qmpathy, in the early part of the period under consideration, was of the limited sort we have already found in the work of Porta, who adopted an empirical approach to particular claims e. Paracelsus Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim, believed that al1 the objects and phenornena of nature are fundamentdy IO0 Thorndike, v. See also Richard Y. Meier, 3ympathy" as a concept in early neurophysiotogy Ph. See page 33, above. For example, Paracelsus wrote of the plant called "eyebright" or "euphragia" that it "shows the image-signature-of eyes, hence it is led by sympathy towards and cures the eye.

Mental illness, too, was explained by sympathy-of an astrological nature in this case. Each star is related to an earthly animal and to a single human passion. When a man inddges one of his more vicious passions, the star that governs that passion communicates to him the emotional behaviour of the animal to which it corresponds. As Pagel comments: The interaction of animal-star and animal-man is yet a further application of the principle of "Sympathymwhich, according to Paracelsus and to Renaissance philosophy at large, is the main force in the cosmos.

The principle that "like unites with like" explains in this case the biological process of mental disease. The influence of Paracelsus was vast. Erastus Thomas Liebler, was an opponent who also combined elements of a scientific viewpoint with superstition, arguing for a dudistic separation of the spiritual fiom the corporeal. This, of course, Pagel, Paracekus, p. Sudhoff, p. Translated by Pagel in Paracekus, p. The most important of these, from the point of view of the history of science, was probably Van Helmont, the Flemish chemist whom we have discussed in relation to the weapon ointment.

In his treatise on the plague, for example, Van Helmont began by rejecting astrological theories of the cause of that disease. The rejection is not a prion': his rasons include the slight likelihood that fkom their great distance the stars could produce plague in one country but not another.

Van Helmont looked not at the stars but at gas-gas being a type of substance that he himself had identified and narned-as the plague's agent. See Thorndike, v. To this point, we have what, in the modern sense of the term, would seem to be a "scientific" if incorrect account. But Van Helmont added a metaphysical consideration that shows the other, more traditional, side of his natural philosophy- invoking his version of the Paracelsian "Archaeus" and denying what might seem to us as being the obvious materialist explanation: But the action of this agent formed in ourselves is not a direct stroke of the poison a t our vital powers the Archaeus , for these are of the celestial nature of light and therefore not immediately open to an attack by something corporeal like the poison gas of plague.

Plague develops, however, when the Archaeus, by a perturbation, confusion or passion, conceives the image of his own change. The imagination of an "image of deathn inside the Archaeus thus prepares the nest in which the poison can settle by a kind of sympathetic or magnetic attraction.

Al1 of this is taking place in the spiritual world, of course, but although that world and the corporeal world are strictly separate, the forces of sympathy and magnetism can connect them. In this case, the poison, which nomally would seek a home in a dying part of a material body, is attracted to the vision of death in the Archaeus, producing the plague.

This implies that there the poison itself contains an active-and perhaps even a conative-principle, which was indeed Van Helmont's belief: "There is", he wrote, "almost nothing made in nature without a proper motion: and nothing is moved voluntarily or by itself, but by reason of the property put into it by the Creator, which property, the Ancients name a proper love, and for this cause they will have self-love to be the first-born daughter of nature, given unto it, and bred in it for its own preservation.

Many of these bear a certain likeness to Van Helmont and especially Paracelsus, but lack the scientific rigour that balanced the mysticism of those writers. In this context one might mention Dee, William Law ,and Jacob Boehme ,among many others, but to keep the discussion bnef 1 shall focus the discussion on the work of a man whom we have already met briefly: the occultist and physician Robert Fludd.

Unlike those writers who contented themselves with the enumeration of instances and suggestions for the beneficial manipulation of sympathies, Fludd expended considerable intelledual energy in an effort to understand the tme nature of sympathetic phenomena. Although the resulting account relies heavily on what we wodd recognize as an improbable occult metaphysics of angelic and divine forces, and while Fludd's exposition is often hard to follow, the ingenuity of his system is oddly attractive.

Like most philosophical thinkers of his day, Fludd did not doubt the existence of natural sympathies and antipathies. But the fact of this existence presented his IO8 Pagel, P a r a c e h , p. See page 38,above. How can a unitary and simple God be the author of phenomena so opposite in character?

How can two things so different spring from the same simple origin? Curiously enough, this is very much akin to the problems of "diversification" often adverted to by David Hume who otherwise could hardly bear less resernblance to Fludd.

Hume asked himself, for example, how it could be, supposing there to be a "hurnan nature", that particular human beings are so different h m one another? There Palamedes asks: What wide difference How shall we pretend to fix a standard for judgments of this nature?

To which the unnamed Humean replies: By tracing matters The Rhine flows north, the Rhone south; yet both spring from the same mountain, and are also actuated, in their opposite directions, by the same principle of gravity. LuTrearise, Book 2, Part 3, Section 8, p. The divinie is a boundless ocean of bliss and glory: Human minds are smaller streams, which, arising at first from this ocean, seek still, amid al1 their wanderings, to return to it, and to lose themselves in that immensity of perfection.

Here we have the human world represented as an emanation from a unitary and simple diiine spring, and the diversity of that world accounted for in terms of the divergent aspects that that emanation takes on as it Bows in various directions away from the source.

The mode1 of diversification that Hume attributed to Platonism is similar to that to which Fludd referred in explaining how both sympathy and antipathy could have arisen from a unitary and simple divine source. Fludd argued that while the "essential root" of sympathy and antipathy has a "catholic or universal simpliciv in essence", it has a "two-fold propew, quite opposite to one another in nature and conditionn. And the aevial world does in like marner pour out these divine effluxions, or ernanations of light, by angelic vehicles, into the temporal world, which has both a beginning and an end.

Selby-Bigge and P. Nidditch, eds. Miller, ed. Edinburgh, hereafter MP , p. While he is not always perfectly consistent in his descriptions, it appears that the divine emanations pass from their origin, through the regions of the archangels and angels, of the stars and the planets, and finally through the air and to the Earth. Fludd believed that neither the reason that God creates contraries such as sympathy and antipathy, nor the ultimate means of their operation, can be known to us. These explanations trace sympathy and antipathy, not the whole way back to their origin in God, but to one of the regions between our world and God.

Astrology, considered on these terms, is simply the science of the sympathies and antipathies that stars exert on earthly affairs, without attempting to discover what it is that influences the stars. Fludd believed that he could go one better by accounting for the operation of sympathy and antipathy at the superstellar level of the angels.

But first the astrological account. This diversification arises fiom U8 MP,p. The strength of a beam, and the influence of the star that sends it, also depend on the directness with which the beam strikes the Earth. As Fludd wrote: And therefore the diversity of beams being collected together, does alter the content of each place or subject, being there is a diverse rnanner of beams in every diverse place and thing, which is derived from the general or total harmony of the stars.

Hereupon it happens that in every place, and at every time, diversity of individual creatures are produced in this world, a11 which, the celestial harmony is said to effect, by the projection of beams into this lower elementary region, which do continually vary and diversify thernselves. Each star, with its particular character, governs certain earthly beings and objects. Conversely, every earthly thing has its predominant star. These macrocosmic relations are reflected in the earthly realm by sympathies and antipathies among star-governed beings and objects.

Recognizing that this picture of astral and earthly love and hate is too black- and-white, Fludd coloured in some shades of grey. The problem is that few pairs of objects are invariably sympathetic, or invariably antipathetic, to one another.

It would be useful at this point to distinguish what we might cal1 "constitutional" sympathy and antipathy from what we might cal1 "occasional" sympathy and antipathy. Objects that are sympathetic to one another whenever they meet for example, the lodestone and iron are constitutionally sympathetic. Much the same - - - MP,p. Occasional sympathies and antipathies, on the other hand, are cases in which two entities, or kinds of entity, are attracted or repelled by one another under certain conditions or at certain times.

Two people, for example, might sometimes love each other, sometimes hate each other, and at still other times be indifferent to one another. Dogs are antipathetic to cats rnuch of the time, but just as often are indifferent to them, and occasionally show them affection. I t is this sort of occasional sympathy and antipathy, then, for which Fludd attempts to account. He asks us to consider two objects let us cal1 them A and B governed respectively by two stars a and b. A, according to Fludd, will be constitutionally antipathetic to B ifand only ifat the tirne of A's birth, b was at its greatest point of ascendancy in the heavens.

He cited passages fiom the works of Ptolemy c. At any rate 1 hope we need not concern ourselves with it, as it would require an abiIity not present in the author to comprehend such passages as the following, offered as an example of a circumstance in which we could expect sympathy to arise MP, p.

Maimonides and Pico della Mirandola i , for example, had understood that "the evident cause of sympathy and antipathy of things, proceeds from the radical mystery of the opposite attributes or properties in God Such dominion could be exercised only by beings higher than man: God himself, of course, and the angels.

Taking his cue from Pico, Fludd made the more profound understanding of sympathy and antipathy his aim. He knew that his penetration of the mysteries of this subject cannot take him al1 the way to God. Why God, with his simple nature-which Fludd called "identity"-would create a world characterized by complexity, conflict and in his terms "alteriSr", is something about which we may form conjectures,but not knowledge.

But this alterity goes a long way to explaining the existence in the world of opposing forces such as syrnpathy and antipathy. For it is the union of two natures, the "enforming essence" natura noturata and the 'enformed substance" natura naturans. The enforming essence is the light emanating from God, and the enformed substance the "dark Chaos" which in Fludd's philosophy is equally part of God although in God it is absolutely united with, and indistinguishable from, the light.

Objects in the sublunary sphere, standing between darkness and light-both positionally and MP,p. Here is Fludd's account of antipathy: [Enformed matter] suffers the impressions and chancters of both oppositions, to wit, sometimes it inclines unto darkness, and then it grows dense, opaque, cold, immobile, thick, and ponderous, and tends in that his propem downwards to the cold centre, or the seat of darkness, which is its mother, and then it is in rebellion and opposition with light, motion and heat, and so it is antipathetical to the actions of light and life, as we see the airy spirit of the world, which is clear, light, diaphanous, thin, moveable, and soaring upwards, by the operating power of the descending light, becomes by the Northern cold.

So that by this antipathetical accession of the cold character of the dark abyss, it is discordant from the loving union, and symphonicd access, which it had to the region of light. As enformed matter nses toward the light, however, it develops not antipathy but sympathy: [Tlhe more the spirit approaches to the nature of light, the firmer are the bonds of its sympathetic accords. For as Syrnpathy consists of things of a like nature, so the nearer the spirit approaches unto form, the greater is the sympathy and accord A being that ascends to the light ought onewould think to feel an antipathy to the darkness beneath it.

But Fludd conceived of the two situations as containing an essential asyrnmetry. In rising, enformed matter "becomes as it were deified" and therefore sympathizes with the characteristics of divine light, working itself into an "extreme purified exaltationnin which it forgets its "MP, p. That man should find sympathetic bliss on reaching up toward the divine, and antipathetic discord on descending into the rnundane and material world, confims that the spiritual and not the corporeal side of his nature is pre-eminent, a view for which Fludd claimed the support of both Plato and Scripture.

For man has a contradictory nature: [Tlhe life of the animal consists of opposite actions, narnely of Systole and Diastole, that is, of contraction by the property of matter, and dilation by the act of the formal Light. So that the nature of matter, is to draw by contraction from the Circumference unto the Centre, but the condition of the formal essence is quite contrary to it, for it emits or dilates its beams fiom the Centre to the Circumference.

Fludd suggested that this satisfaction cornes from a naturd appetite in man for joys and delights. But virtue will always be a struggle, even for the virtuous. This is what separates earthly beings fiorn wholly spiritual beings. Man stands between light and darkness, marked with the duality that is characteristic of the latter but possessing at the same time a special abiliq if not quite a natural inclination to assimilate to the former. The divine light stives to bring together what is diverse through sympathy, while the darkness strives to divide what is unified by instilling antipathy into objects.

We will next encounter the conception of sympathy as a unifjing force destructive of "alteriv" when we examine Hartley's Observations on Man of a work that owes much to Neoplatonkm and religious mysticism of the kind ive find in Fludd. See Chapter 3, below.

Who can find out why, if someone suffers from a tumour of the spleen and suspends the spleen of another animal in the smoke of a fireplace, the tumour and spleen dry up as the suspended spleen does so? Unless we have recourse to communication through the air by whose medium the spirits act on each other.

See Robert S. Stephen Gaukroger, "Descartes: Methodology", in G. R Parkinson, ed. One usually calls occult powers those of which one perceives the effects and of which one does not know the reason. As for sympathy and antipathy But it must be said that these qualities are only occult to the ignorant, for the learned who know the origin of actions which the vulgar cal1 syrnpathy or antipathy never use these terms, and show that what is called occult is to them evident Mersenne concluded that "al1 men are very ignorant, since they are constrained to admit that several qualities are occult to them, and that they have need of sympathy to cover their defect.

Mersenne's emphasis on mechanistic explanation, and his dismissal of unmediated action at a distance, suggest some solid progression toward the scientific point of view. But one must not allow this impression to grow out of proportion to the reality: as just mentioned, Mersenne did not hesitate to credit reports of dubious sympathies and antipathies, nor as Thorndike recounts did his strict mechanism diminish his fascination with reports of mawels: [T]o demonstrate hurnan superiority to brute animals, Mersenne affirrns that man can give birth to anything: colts from a woman of Verona in , a half- bird at Ravenna in , a half-calf in Saxony and a child with a frog's head at Boileroy in ,a half-dog in ,and a dog with a hurnan head in F In this connection, it is interesting to recall the distinction made in the Renaissance between black magic and white magic.

White magic, on the other hand, had nothing to do with the Devil. Mersenne's position is akin that of one who decries black magic in favour of white magic. Each rejects the occult as assuming the existence of forces that stand outside of nature-non-mechanistic and satanic, respectively-, but in neither case is there a corresponding rejection of occult phenomena.

These are simply to be reinterpreted as the product of forces found in nature-mechanistic interactions in Mersenne's case, something more complicated in the case of white magic. And if no such naturd explanation is now apparent in respect of a certain phenomenon, it is only because we are ignorant of the subtleties involved.

Metaphysics and theology might disqualie certain forces from the scientific explanation of phenomena, but only a well-developed scientific method could allow science to replace hearsay, tradition, and ancient authority as the standard by which reported phenomena are adjudged real and worthy of study.

Mersenne, like and to a greater extent than the white magicians, had succeeded in reducing the nurnber of forces to which appeal could legitimately be made, but this had little effect on his or their opinions about what exactly it was that made a purported phenomenon a fitting subject of scientific investigation. Gassendi, at Mersenne's urging, wrote a disquisition against Fludd which seems to have been l e s vitriolic, though none the less firm in its opposition for l.

M Thorndike, v. Sympathies and antipathies, for example, would in his view be susceptible of explanations of the following form: That shellfish fatten and that marrow increases in the bones of animals at full moon he explains, not by an occult influence of the moon, but by particles of moisture on the moon which are excited by sunlight and then borne by the sun's reflected rays to earth in greater number than at new moon.

That sheep shun a wolf which they have never seen before is because of corpuscles shed by the wolf which are offensive to the sheep. El Gassendi's scepticisrn led him to reject certain phenomena, however, including the weapon ointment and the powder of sympathy. The operation of the former, for exarnple, could not be explained as some sort of movement of corpuscles, because the corpuscles would be just as likely to enter and cure the wounds of everyone else in the vicinity-whether or not they were infiicted by the weapon to which the ointment was applied.

Nor did Gassendi accept the mechanistic explanation of the powder that Digby himself had favoured. Marinum Mersennum Thorndike, v. Cited in Thorndike, v. The hope that "emanations" might explain the weapon ointment is vain, for again these would have to be directed at particular wounds, passing by al1 other wounds of the same kind, and this sort of teleological account is where Gassendi drew the line.

If it cornes to this, he argued, it would be better to deny the phenomenon. Something similar is discernible in satirical writing of the period, and notably in Hudibras, by Samuel Butler Butler was a Baconian who leaned toward scepticism-he believed that only observation could produce knowledge, but also that empirical science was too prone to observational error to be of value.

For example, he lampooned the famous story of Gaspare Tagliacozzo or Taliacotius, , a surgeon of Bologna who had developed a skin-grafting surgical operation to heal the injured noses of noblemen with flesh taken fiom the arms of slaves. But note that, again according to Thomdike, Van Helmont pressed Gassendi to give a corpuscularian explanation, and at that point Gassendi suggested that perhaps an insensible vapour might connect the wound and the ointment, although from Thorndike's description it is impossible to tell whether or not this explanation was supposed to have solved the problem of the failure of the weapon ointment to cure wounds in its vicinity of which it had not been the cause.

Oxford, 1 , pp. Fostw , v. Butler, Part 1, Canto 1, ll. The line "And when the Date of Nock was out" refers to the end of the Me of the Porter's buttocks that is,to the Porter's death. L57 S. Butler, Part 1, Canto i, They simply did not s a t i e the requirement of obsewability-a failing that Butler tended to attribute also to empirical science, whose findings, h e thought, were vitiated by the frequency with which observational error must occur.

Sir Thomas Browne's Pseudodoxia Epidemica,widely read in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, provides further examples of seventeenth-century scepticism about sympathy. Browne devoted this compendious work to the investigation of "received Tenets" and "commonly presumed Truths".

The editor of the modem edition of Pseudodoxia Epidemica describes it succinctly as "a work of book-learning rather than of experimental science". Unlike Gilbert and Harvey. And therefore a very unsafe defensative it is against the fury of this animal, and surely no better than Viginity, or blood Royd, which Pliny doth place in Cock broth: For herewith, saith he, who ever is sa S.

Butler, Part 1, Canto 1, Il. We can see in the response of Browne's fierce critic Alexander Ross the futility oftrying to refute natural sympathies piecemeal: there were always a thousand more examples of such sympathies, widely accepted o n authority, which could be cited t o make the attempt to reject one instance seem positively irrational.

As Ross wrote, in his inimitably sarcastic manner: That the Lion is afraid of the Cock, is doubted by the Doctor, because Camerarius speaks of one lion that leapt down into a yard where were Cocks and Hens, which he ate up. But the same Camerarius in the same deged place, sheweth, that this fear of the Lion is justified both by experience, and many eye-witnesses.

And surely this is no more improbable then for a Lion to be afraid at the sight of a fire, or for an Elephant to be a h i d at the sight of a Hog; which the Romans knew, when they drove an Herd of Swine among the Enernies Elephants, by which means ihey got the Victory of Pyrrhus. So much afiaid is the Elephant of an Hog, that if he hear hM gruntle, he will run away.

And who would think that a M o n b should be afraid and shake at the sight of a S n d , that E r m u s tels us, he saw one which at the sight of a Snail was so affrighted, that he fell to vomiting so as the owner could scarce keep him alive. Why are some men whom I know, affiighted at the sight of a Toad; nay, of a Frog? Browne, op. Browne, v. Such a refutation, when it came, could not be empirical-at least, one doubts that it would have been within the capacity of anyone of Browne's time to test so rnany diverse claims.

He argued that to explain a phenornenon by reference to natural sympathy or antipathy is, in a strict and in our terms "scientific" sense, not to explain it at dl. Rather, natural sympathy and antipathy, like occult qualities and miracles, are substitutesfor genuine explanation.

He drew a distinction between explanatory appeals to miracles, on the one hand, and explanatory appeals to natural sympathies, antipathies, and occult qualities, on the other. The former he considered indefensible attempts to "lay the last and particular effects upon the first and generall cause of al1 things"; the latter were simply convenient labels for the blank spots in our scientific explanations, to be filled in when "ouradvanced endeavorsngive us sufficient insight into the causal ways of the world.

Nevertheless, such natural sympathies and antipathies do not exist in the physical world and would play no part in a perfect scientific explanation, could such a thing be produced. But while Browne was unwilling to admit the reality of antipathies and sympathies in general, and contemptuous of the traditional examples, he seems to have felt differently about psychological sympathies.

Browne, p. In the Fourth Set of Objections to the Meditations, Antoine Arnauld criticized Descartes' denial that anirnals have souls by referring to what both he and Descartes considered an indisputable case of a constitutional antipathy: As far as the souls of the brutes are concerned, M.

Descartes elsewhere suggests clearly enough that they have none. Al1 they have is a body which is constructed in a particular manner, made up of various organs in such a way that al1 the opentions which we observe can be produced in it and by means of it. But 1 fear that this view will not succeed in finding acceptance in people's minds unless it is supported by very solid arguments. For at first sight it seems incredible that it can corne about, without the assistance of any soul, that the light reflected from the body of a wolf ont0 the eyes of a sheep should move the minute fibres of the optic nerves, and that on reaching the brain this motion should spread the animal spirits throughout the nerves in the manner necessary to precipitate the sheep's flight.

And since our own experience reliably informs us that this is so, why should we be so amazed that the light reflected from the body of a wolf onto the eyes of a sheep should equally be capable of arousing the movements of flight in the sheep. See further discussion in the context of Whytt and Stahl, at page ,below. Nicolas Malebranche was one who questioned Descartes' analysis.

Malebranche was particularly interested in the phenomenon of monsterism-that is, the phenomenon of the child born deformed-, and like many others he believed that such cases could best be explained by sympathy: About seven or eight years ago, 1 saw at the Incurables a young man who was born mad, and whose body was broken in the same places in which those of criminals are broken. Al1 the blows given to this miserable creature forcefully stmck the imagination of this mother and, by a sort of counterblow, the tender and delicate brain of her child.

The fibres of this woman's brain were extremely shaken and perhaps broken in some places by the violent flow of the spirits produced at the sight of such a terrible occurrence, but they retained sufficient consistency to prevent their complete destruction.

On the other hand, the child's brain fibres, being unable to resist the torrent of these spirits, were entirely dissipated, and the destruction was great enough to make him lose his mind forever. That is the reason why he came into the world deprived of sense. Here is why he was broken at the sarne parts of his body as the ciminal his mother had seen put to death.

Malebranche took it as a well-attested fact that the power of a mother's imagination was so great as to dlow her to gestate almost anything: "there is nothing so bizarre", he asserted, "that it has not been aborted at some time. For not only do [women] give birth to deformed infants but also fniits they have wanted to eat, such as apples, pears, grapes, and other similar things. Lennon and Paul J. Olscamp, eds. Cambridge, , Book 2,Part 1, Chapter 7, p. For further discussion,see page below.

Even if the sight of a b i t did not actually cause the woman to give birth to a piece of the same fruit, it might result depending on the strength of the mother's imagination in a child who was shaped like the fmit, or at very least a child who was especially fond of that kind of fruit. I75 Because Malebranche believed that a mother could potentially produce an offspring of any species, he was reluctant to accept the Cartesian argument that animals' adivity was purely mechanical.

As he wrote: [Alkhough one can give some explanation of the formation of the fetus in general, as Descartes has tried successfully enough, nevertheless it is very difficult, without this communication of the mother's bnin with the child's, to explain why a mare does not give birth to a calf, or a chicken lay an egg containing a partridge or some bird of a new species Malebranche, Book 2, Part 1, Chapter 7, p.

Malebranche, Book 2, Part 1, Chapter 7,p. Interestingly, Malebranche conceived of matemal-fetal sympathy as a kind of substitute for the sort of adaptation that would later be explained by the theory of evolution. Malebranche added that God allows the imagination to affect the appearance of children, even though the result is sometimes monsterism, because all children would otherwise look alilce, and no one would know which W a s which.

Joseph Glanvill was rather ambivalent about the mechanistic explanations, thinking them no irnprovement upon explanations of an older kind: It is out of my way here to enquire whether the Anima Mundi be not ri better account, than any mechanical solutions. The former is more desperate, the latter hath more of ingenuity, than solid satisfaction.

These words are evidence of a sea-change in the focus of science-where once the metaphysical nature of the forces that underlie phenomena had been the scientist's chief concern, now he was to devote his efforts to the accurate ascertainment, confirmation,and prediction of phenomena themselves. This change in emphasis is associated most notably with Sir Isaac Newton , whose most influential writings appeared after those of Glanvi11, and a couple of generations later than those of Mersenne and Gassendi.

The conflict between the Newtonians and the mechanists is very clearly expressed in Samuel Clarke's commentary on the System of Natural Philosophy of the Cartesian Jacques Rohault , which Clarke edited and translated with his brother John. Rohault, having set out an imaginative if somewhat implausible account of motion in mechanistic terms of impulse, had observed: This Truth, though it was known long ago, yet Philosophea, for want of duly attending to it, and well weighing and considering its Consequences, have thought it impossible to account for all the Motions we see in Nature by Impulse alone, which is the only way that we can conceive clearly, by which one Bady rnoves another by pushing it, and which so natunlly follows fkom the Impenetrability of Matter, which all the World agree in.

For as to Attraction, Sympathy, and Anhpathy, they ought not to be allowed at all, by reason of their Obscurity. That they are obscure, is very evident; for if we take a Loadstone; for Example, It is manifest to al1 the World, that to say it has an attractive Vertue or a Sympathy with the Iron, does not at al1 explain the Nature or the Properties of it.

Clarke, too, wanted to reject occult properties and forces, but these he defined in t e m s of irregularity, lawlessness, arbitrariness, and unpredictabiliw-so as to exclude from the category of the occult forces those which, while operating at a distance and therefore not mechanical, were nevertheless regular, law-abiding, universal, and predictable.

This reflected a changing view of the business of science- the mechanists' opinion that it consisted in metaphysical explanation of the forces that underlie phenornena having been challenged by the Newtonian belief that it consisted in the discovery and quantification of the laws and regularities inherent in those phenomena. The mechanistic rejection of action across a distance-of dl sympathies, antipathies, and attractions-seemed to apply too readily to the metaphysically mysterious but predictively powerfid force of gravity.

This, then, is the spirit in which Clarke replied to Rohault: Since nothing acts at a Distance, that is, nothing can exert any Force in acting where it is not; it is evident, that Bodies if we would speak properly caruiot at dl move one another, but by Contact and Impulse. Wherefore Attraction and Sympathy and all occult Qualities, which are supposed to arise from the Specifck F o m of Things are justly to be rejected. Yet because, besides innumerable other Phaenomena of Nature, that universal Gravitation of Matter, which shall be more fully handled afterwards, on by no means arise from the mutual Impulse of Bodies because a l I Impulse must be in proportion to the Superficies, but Gravity is always in proportion to the Quantity of solid IBOJacques Rohault, A System of Natural Philosophy, John and Samuel Clarke, eds.

Matter, and therefore must of Necessity be ascribed to some Cause that penetrates the ves, inward Substance it self of solid Matter therefore al1 such Attraction, is by all means to be allowed, as it is not the Action of Matter at a Distance, but the Action of some immaterial Cause which perpetually moves and governs Matter by certain Laws.

Clarke cited long passages from the Opfies,of which the following is representative: Bodies act one upon another by the Attractions of Gravity, Magnetism and Electricity; How these Attractions may be performed, 1 do not here consider. What 1 call Attraction may be performed by Impulse not Bodily Impulse or by some other Means unknown to me. For we must learn from the Phaenomena of Nature, what Bodies aiiract one another, and what are the Laws and Properties of the Attraction, before we inquire the Cause by which the Attraction is performed.

He added: These Principles 1 consider not as occult Qualities supposed to resdt from the Specifck F o m of Things, but as general Laws of Nature, by which the Things themselves are fomed: Their Tmth appearing to u s by Phaenomena though their Causes be not yet discovered. The Aristotelian occult qualities were objectionable not because they were hidden or because they operated at a distance or in general because they did not admit of metaphysical explanation, but because of their evident lack of explanatory power: To tell us that every species of Things is endowed with an occult Specifick Quality by which it acts and produces manifest Effects, is to tell us nothing.

But to derive two or three general Principles of Motion from Phaenornena, and aftenvards to tell us how the Properties and Actions of all corporeal Things follow from those manifest Principles, would be a very great Step in Philosophy, though the Causes of those Principles were not yet discovered This,as Newton states, "tells us nothing". No list of particular sympathies and antipathies will allow us to predict accurately-or indeed give us any reliable indication-whether two unlisted objects will attract or repel one another.

Stewart, ed. Manchester, ,pp. However-and what is of especial interest to us here-, "though the cause of this effect be thus plausibly assigned, by deducing it from so known and obvious an affection of bodies as graviv, which every man is apt to think he sufficiently understands" a demanding observer might respond that, "though the effects of gravity indeed be very obvious, yet the cause and nature of it are as obscure as those of almost any phenomenon it can be brought to explicate.

Boyle agreed that "the investigation of the true nature and adequate cause of gravity is a task of Occult qualities, on the other hand, were typically invoked to explain particular instances of attraction, and did not seem to operate according to any general principle. They were still certain that action at a distance per se was the problem, and while they could not help but admire Newton's mathematical dernonstrations, his theoretical dependence on a doctrine of attraction was to them a dangerous retreat into the occultism that had for so long impaired the progress of knowledge.

Leibniz complained that, in his reliance on attraction, Newton had simply revived the "enthusiastic philosophy" of Robert Fludd-a surprising cornparison, al1 the more significant on account of the stature and characteristic judiciousness of its source. Cited in Richard S. Westfd, "Newtonand iUchernyn,in Brian Vickea, ed.

On the question of attraction, however, there is such a fundamental difference between the nature and quality of Newton's mathematical analysis and Fludd's spiritual or mythological account that it would seem that the two could be equated only in a world-view of a sort that is almost unimaginable to the modern mind.

The mechanists, it seems, were so supremely concerned with eradicating invisible forces and distant action fiom scientific explanation that any rival philosophy would be categorized principally with respect to the position it took on this one question. Despite such initial resistance, Newtonianism had generally prevailed over purely reductive mechanism by the time of Newton's death in A very interesting example of such thinking appears in the work of the physician Paul Chamberlen Son of a prominent family of obstetricians, Chamberlen was the enterprising piweyor of such quack remedies as "purging sugar-plumsnand cure-dl bottles of "saffron dropsn, and even of a method in h d r e w Cunningham and Roger French, eds.

Berkeley had similar objections to Newton Benjamin,pp. Wesdd, p. His greatest fame, however, was attained late in life with the "anodyne necklace", a widely-advertised cure for childhood teething pains. The necklace was promoted as acting sympathetically-one had only to hang it about the neck of one's infant, and ail pain in the teeth and gums would soon cease.

The sophisticated public of his day would surely have demanded a scientiJc explanation of the supposed sympathies, in keeping with Newton's laws. Chamberlen rose to the occasion in a little treatise known by the short title A Philosophical Essay upon Actions on Distant Subjects, which he published in and addressed to "the most illustrious Royal Society". That is, Whether or no a Cause can produce an Effect on a Subject whose Substance and Body is not contiguous to it, but at some distance off?

Now this argues a great Ignorance in the Understandine. Chamberlen intended to show that "according to tme Philosophy" there is nothing superstitious in these "sympathies"-that in fact they admit of an explanation that is thoroughly scientific. Harvey, as rigid a Naturalist as he wasn, was known to have treated tumours and swellings by "stroaking them with the Hand of a Dead Mann.

Al1 bodies, he thought, constantly emit "subtle steams and atomsn-for which he advanced a Newtonian explanation in terms of the attractive influence of the Sun. These atoms are carried along with air and light, and thus can move as far and as svriftly as the latter.

They constituted the material of sympathy-as they were in van Helmont's account-, but of course the fact that they exist does not in itself amount to an explanation of sympathetic action. There has to b e some way by which atorns from Digby's powder and Chamberlen's necklace "know" where they must go to produce their curative effects.

Like Digby, Chamberlen appealed to the fundamental principle of Aristotelian sympathy-the attraction of like to like: Every LLke acting much more on its own Like than on any thing else, and consequently a l l Bodies draw to themselves with a greater Power such Atoms Chamberlen, p. Chamberlen, p. What is commonly called Sympathy and Antipathy, is nothing else but this natural Tendency and Inclination, Abhorrence and aversion to this Proportion or Disproportion between Atoms and Pores20l In fact, by joining his theory of effluvia with Newton's accurate observations on the speed of light, Chamberlen effectively provided a materialistic account not only local but of cosmic sympathy-he was quite insistent on showing that sympathetic action as he conceived it codd occur over limitless distances, although of course this was not necessary in the specific situation of the anodyne necklace.

In describing the workings of his necklace, Chamberlen made little reference to the composition of the object itself, other than to reveal that it was composed of matter "of the very same Nature as a Human Tooth isn. The Atoms of each being thus incorporated and united together, they enter together by the suction of the Air which the ailing Part breaths out into the said ailing Part; where finding the Original Source from whence the uneas, Atoms first came, they naturally stay and stick there.

Being thus entered, they presently search into all the Corners, Fibres and Orifices of it, which hereby are comforted, fed, and imperceptibly healed. This did not prevent Chamberlen from urping the application of his necklace to a wide variety of other illnesses, and most particularly to the pains of labour. Body parts are afflicted because of what they lack, and the "morbific" atoms that they emit are "restless, hungy, and uneasy".

The atorns emitted by the gums, for example, swirl about in a cloud, and "greedily catch hold of whatever Balsamical, Alcalious, Healing Atoms they meet with, as a drowning Peson catches hold of any Plank. Chamberlen attempted to give a "scientific" air to his remedy. In this he was not entirely successful, being for exarnple too reliant on authorw, citing in favour of the efficacy of his necklace similar talismanic cures allegedly advocated by Galen, Fludd, Charleton, Hmey, and Thomas Willis.

In fact, sympathetic phenornena were considered to be manifestations of the same sort of attraction that Newton had identified, and it would 2w Chamberlen, pp. While anonymous, this is evidently a work by Chamberlen published after his death by his associates.

We might note, in closing, that there are hints in Chamberlen's discussion of natural sympathy of an emergent belief in the development of psychological sympathy out of natural sympathy. Consider, for example, his "Third Law of Nature": Human imagination being nothing else but an Application of the Mind to the Image of some Corporeal thing impressed on the Brain, from whatever either the Eye sees present, or the Mind thinks on Absent.

In its emphasis on the interaction between imagination and body as Chamberlen, pp. But more of this in due course. Charnberlen, of course, claimed to be following the principles of Newton, and it cannot be denied that Newton did alZow for the existence of invisible and non- mechanical forces.

However, as we have already suggested, his mathematical precision and the increasing empirical precision of the science that was being carried out in the wake of his discovery set a standard of legitimacy for such forces that most of the traditionai examples of sympathy and antipathy could not hope to meet, even when scientifically "sanitized" by Chamberlen and others of some sophistication.

I t is hardly an exaggeration to Say that, with the exception of rnagnetic sympathy and the special case of physiological syrnpathy, both of which passed into the mainstream of science, sympathy and antipathy in the traditional sense quickly vanished without a trace from serious philosophical and scientific discussion, surviving only in astrology and in folklore-the elephant's supposed antipathy to mice being possibly the only well-known modern survivor from the long lists of medieval times.

One wonders why this one example of antipathy has proven so ressent, when other antipathies-such as those by which the elephant fears the hog, or that by which the horse camot bear the sight of the camel-are forgotten. Belief in 0 t h sympathies and antipathies endures of course although not under that description , in cases that would have obvious expianations in terms of modern theones of psychology and instinct e-g.

Although it is true and a matter of no little interest that antipathy, its counterpart, was largely forgotten, the golden age of sympathy was arguabiy not the middle ages but the eighteenth century. But what throve then was psychological sympathy, not natural sympathy. And so, by , Hume was able to write in such strikingly different terms about two forms of sympathy-ridiculing natural sympathy as a repugnant remnant of discredited Aristotelianism, while lauding psychological sympathy as vital to the understanding of human behaviour.

Our next task, then, is to discover the forces underlying the rise of psychological sympathy. Thus Man was form'd; of earth the senseless clod Spning into life, obedient to its GOD; By instinct mov'd, till Sympathy combin'd The corp'ral functions with an active mind; Thus Man was fom'd new Sympathies to prove, And, blest with Woman, felt the force of love.

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